Of course, the most notorious example of this was the effacement of Finlays contribution to the mosquito theory by US researchers. Contribucin a la teraputica de la fiebre amarilla. Ela oferece uma perspectiva til para reconstituir a tradio da pesquisa espanhola da febre amarela em Cuba, um tpico muito negligenciado pela histografia mdica. 1855. From 1884 on, Roure (1884, p.134-135) put contagion center stage by arguing that a person could only get ill by means of a virus arriving from another yellow fever patient. Shortly afterwards, he was sent on an official commission to Rio de Janeiro to study the work of the Brazilian doctor Jos Domingos Freire on the causal agent of yellow fever (Martnez-Antonio, 2013, p.481). 1888. We believe, however, that an eventual success would not have been possible just with the convergence of Creole initiatives, but required the transnational fusion of Creole, Spanish, and American elements.

Thus, the physician Ramn Pia affirmed that the atmosphere is one of the most powerful causes of our evils and sufferings and that yellow fever was similar to malaria and therefore belonged to the category of miasmatic fevers, a vision that in Cuba dated back to the works of Julio Jacinto Le Riverend from the 1830s and 1840s (Pia, 1855, p.22; Martnez-Antonio, 2013, p.459).

In the end, the IASM and the Hygienic Laboratory advocated scientific integrationism/annexationism for Cuba, so that the island became just another Spanish province or US state whose epidemics were managed from central metropolitan institutions. 2011. Translate texts with the world's best machine translation technology, developed by the creators of Linguee. Burgess was responsible for inspecting the passengers and cargo of all vessels bound for US ports for almost twenty years, making sure that those regarded as potentially carrying yellow fever were disinfected (Burgess, 1911, p.53). It might have been, as Steven Palmer has suggested, that the solution for the yellow fever question would have required the IHB to have dedicated its immense intellectual, political, and technical resources to explore Finlays hypothesis (Palmer, 2011, p.457). In parallel to this, yellow fever acquired an unprecedented centrality as a sanitary problem and object of medical research for the SAMSC, despite its constant presence for centuries on the island (Martnez-Antonio, 2013, p.460). Medical historiography has explored how the yellow fever question was a fundamental aspect of the Cuban question - i.e., the struggle for the political destiny of the island. But exactly what group of white immigrants was Roure concerned with? 1911. On this basis, the cmara polar, while addressing the yellow fever question, was also proposing a solution for the Cuban question in general. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. The costly ghastly kitchen. La trabajadora de salud Cndida Chaves vacuna a unos nios contra el ttanos en la escuela primaria Bango, en el distrito de Xai-Xai de la provincia de Gaza. Sessions began on August 19, 1892 (Peuelas, 1895b, p.796).

Figura 5:View of the casa de salud La Pursima Concepcin of Havanas Asociacin de Dependientes del Comercio, unknown date (Source: Google images) . Despite all this, the SAMSC continued to be the main official actor involved in medical research on the island, on which American interventions actually depended. Many doctors still insisted on the insalubrity of the Cuban climate as a causal factor, but climate parameters were progressively redefined on physical and chemical grounds, and bodily alterations were analyzed with the new findings of physiology. In this period, it still lacked a real institution or real initiatives. [Links], ESPINOSA, Mariola. The term polar may have been chosen because originally the inside temperature was kept at zero degrees and even less, though Garca later realized that 10-12C sufficed to achieve the desired effects (Peuelas, 1895b, p.800). 8 Jan. 1891. He thus lobbied for larger ones to be performed in Havana, and finally succeeded in the summer of 1892. They were open to every civil, army, and navy doctor in the city, as Roure believed that all those who cultivate medical science with a true interest would come over, the question of yellow fevers cure being so very important for Cuba and for all the American peoples (Peuelas, 1895b, p.804). SAMSC physicians played a central role in the auxiliary Spanish-Creole commissions of 1879 and 1888-1889 and in the foundation of the Society of Clinical Studies (SEC). Apuntes para una historia del fro en Espaa. 1895b. In this sense, we believe that after the end of the Ten Years War, a threefold national struggle for scientific hegemony began in Cuba, involving not just Creole and Spanish, but also US researchers and institutions. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press.

2013. 2011. [Links], ROURE, Casimiro. The chances that isolated yellow fever cases would evolve into an epidemic outbreak by microenvironmental transmission in stores would be much lower if the cmara polar prevented the salesmen from becoming permanent foci of infection. Cuadernos de Historia de la Salud Pblica, v.84, n.2. According to them, each class should accept its respective place in society for the common good, the bourgeoisie being expected to promote the creation of educational, cultural or economic associations and the workers to join them and eventually become bourgeois themselves. Este artigo investiga perguntas relativas febre amarela e ao destino poltico de Cuba no final do sculo XIX. 2006.

Contrary to mainstream views, we believe this struggle should be analyzed in terms of national, rather than colonial science. The Santiago newspapers launched appeals for the funds required for the improvement of this device to be raised (Rochard, Mricourt, 1895, p.269). Despite this, the laboratory had a short and discontinuous life and never lived up to its expectations.

The IHB under Juan Santos Hernndez, Cubas top bacteriological laboratory, was directly inspired by the model of the Pasteur Institute in Paris - to which Santos had sent a commission of three Cuban doctors (Tamayo, Francisco I. Vildsola and Pedro Albarrn) - but also owed a debt to US entrepreneurship, as the equipment was purchased in New York (Palmer, 2011, p.454). In this paper, however, we do not look into the politics of the cmara polar outside its scientific aspects. 2012. The progressive microbial saturation of the microenvironment had its origins in the patients themselves, who acted as a permanent foci of infection by releasing microbes to the outside through their vomit, sweat, and breath (Peuelas, 1895a, p.798). Garca was born and trained as a doctor in the Spanish town of Santiago de Compostela, located in the north-western region of Galicia (Vilanova, 2002, p.254). [Links], PEUELAS, Pedro. Two other SAMSC commissions were sent to Latin American countries in parallel to the US commissions to Cuba. National approaches are not new. Chicago-London: The University of Chicago Press. For example, Finlay, Santos Fernndez, and Tamayo were members of the RACMFN, and this association, which in 1865 had not had a single Spanish or American member in its ranks, admitted six of each nationality in 1878-1895, including Delgado, Roure, and Sternberg (Pruna, 2002, p. 531-39). [Links], DELGADO, Gregorio. Sur un mode de traitement de la fivre jaune. On the one hand, the chamber was compatible with the continuing use of the traditional remedy, because it just focused on containing yellow fever, on keeping patients in an early stage of the disease. Le Roy de. Subscribe to America's largest dictionary and get thousands more definitions and advanced searchad free! Peuelas took this opportunity to claim that the SAMSC had always participated in the research devoted to yellow fever, testing all treatments proposed by the scientific community, and [that] this countrys [Cubas] authorities have always sponsored those tests (Peuelas, 1895a, p.445). The cmara polar, thus, made room for infectious microenvironments in Cuba, in the sense that Bruno Latour (2011, p.96) argued Pastorian bacteriology had done for microbes in France. Americas de facto intervention in Cuba meant, above all, that the SAMSC found itself compelled to admit and collaborate with US initiatives well before 1898. Its scientific foundations were never accepted, and unsuccessful trials jugulated its future as a viable therapy. Amsterdam-Atlanta: Rodopi. The key of the polar chamber was, then, to use it on patients who had fallen ill very recently and had therefore been infected a small number of times, ideally once. Well before that date, the first experimental tests were performed at Santiagos military hospital on eighteen civilian patients, all of whom, save one, were cured (Correo, 8 Jan. 1891). Sarah tambin ha trabajado para empresas como Creature Labs, donde desarroll web marketing para una, comunidad de 1 milln de jugadores en todo el mundo y, in Indonesia, and a strong local brand for Unilever in the region. en el proceso de negociacin colectiva junto con el Gobierno, el sector privado, los. But army doctors rejected Pastorian bacteriology, so the IASM never became a research center, but a sort of hygiene institute avant la lettre, where priority was given to sanitary campaigns and education. Results: 69. Roure, for example, was a member of the provisional board of the National Liberal Party (Partido Liberal Nacional) in 1878 (Los partidos, 5 Sep. 1878), while Juan Santos Fernndezs laboratory must be located in the context of an autonomist creole political project (Palmer, 2011, p.468). Cdiz: Imprenta de la Revista Mdica. [Links], REINA, Marcial de. Archivos de la Sociedad de Estudios Clnicos de la Habana, n.6, p.27-42. The above-mentioned Estrada was the secretary.

Their ultimate inspiration was found in ideals of harmonious coexistence between the bourgeoisie and the workers. 4 vols. franciscojavier_martinez@yahoo.com. 2011. Lost in colonialism: la sanidad espaola en Cuba antes y despus de la Guerra de los Diez Aos. As a result, the origin and progress of yellow fever became rooted in what we would call an infectious microenvironment - a body whose immediate surroundings showed an overabundance of microbes and atmospheric conditions that favored their multiplication, as well as the toxic effects upon the body of their pathological products (ptomaines, leucomaines; Peuelas, 1895a, p.798). These had always combined contagionist and anticontagionist principles, in particular the use of cold in homeopathy with acclimatization practices.

Invented by a former army doctor, the chamber was co-opted by the military to become the latest in a series of therapeutic devices tested by SAMSC doctors since the 1860s. The polar chamber, through its eventual contribution to the expansion of mutual aid societies, especially the CADC, would have favored the social integration of dependientes and reinforced the hybrid initiatives of autonomism. sanitario termina de vacunar al ltimo nio. 1900. To design such a complex structure, they turned for help to the Spanish army engineer Rafael Cerero, a member of the Royal Academy (RACMFN) and an expert in physics and electricity (Pruna, 2002, p.487, 509). The Spanish doctor Manuel Valds-Bango Len (1893, p.37), a supporter of Garcas invention who was a university professor and medical director of the Quinta Covadonga hospital at Centro Asturiano (Mena, Cobelo, 1992, p.374), could have helped to get the CADCs permission. The distinguished professors attending Peuelas presentation were probably curious to hear about the cmara polar, a device invented in Cuba only three years before by the Spanish doctor Alfredo Garca Garca (1855-unknown). The first US yellow fever commissions have been depicted as one-sided American initiatives, removing decisive Spanish consent and involvement (Espinosa, 2009), while Spanish historiography, either hagiographic or self-deprecating, has ignored SAMSCs close links with Creole and American institutions and researchers (Massons, 1994). The indispensable forgotten man: Joseph James Kinyoun and the founding of the National Institutes of Health. p.445-446. 2011. 1892 While the RACMFN had followed the pattern of Spains royal academies (reales academias), the new centers were modeled along US and international lines. The province of Santiago de Cuba. The duplication of hegemonic and subordinated actors in Cubas yellow fever question was not the only change in 1878-1895. v.2. There, Garca began studying yellow fever as every medical professor on this island did, until one day in early 1890 he produced the first makeshift model of his future invention. In: Proceedings of the First Pan-American Medical Congress.

[Links], REBOLLEDO, Enrique. Beginnings of Cuban bacteriology: Juan Santos Fernndez, medical research, and the search for scientific sovereignty, 1880-1920. What was the political effect of the polar chamber? [Links], ANNUAL REPORT Annual report of the Supervising Surgeon-General of the Marine-Hospital Service of the United States for the fiscal year 1891.

[Links], PERNA, Luis. [Links], MORENS, David M. et al. Sternberg enlisted as assistant Emilio Martnez, a doctor of the newly-established Reina Mercedes Hospital, Havanas largest civil hospital, with whom he finished his task at the Johns Hopkins University Hospital laboratory - where Sternberg had done studies with Cuban materials as early as 1881 (Sternberg, 1920, p.72). 2010. [Links], BURGESS, Daniel M. Personal and professional recollections. Once the devices were installed, the trials began. [Links], ROCHARD, L.; MRICOURT, A. His treatment consisted of creating an artificial atmosphere by using a sort of camping tent of waterproof canvas, into which cold, dry, oxygenated air, with electronization of the gas blend was pumped (Peuelas, 1895a, p.447). Um dispositivo teraputico usado para tratar a doena foi inventado nesse perodo - a cmara polar. This reinforced Creole agency was less channeled through the Royal Academy of Medical, Physical, and Natural Sciences (RACMFN) than through the SEC and the IHB, newly-established institutions led by Carlos J. Finlay and Juan Santos Fernndez. These examples may contain colloquial words based on your search. The translation is wrong or of bad quality. We focus on how medical researchers claimed that what they did in the laboratory was relevant to the practice of people who are outside; and also on how they chose what was representative in yellow fever in order better to understand or fight the disease (p.297, 302). Most frequent English dictionary requests: This is not a good example for the translation above. Madrid: Siglo XXI. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. desde 2004 ha habido un cambio fundamental en la filosofa en que se basa la poltica social del Uruguay. La transformacin de los espacios de sociabilidad en la Cuba finisecular: el caso de la Asociacin de Dependientes del Comercio de la Habana (1880-1898). But the cmara polar could also help to prevent epidemics. 2009 Look up words and phrases in comprehensive, reliable bilingual dictionaries and search through billions of online translations. The patient allegedly feeling much relieved, the Spanish doctor set to build more sophisticated versions of his device until he registered a patent for it in May 1891 (Beltrn, 1983, p.201). 2002.

The last important US intervention was the creation of a Yellow Fever Laboratory in 1889 at the recently established federal quarantine station of Dry Tortugas. The polar chamber could have been a decisive technological advantage, and that was surely a reason why the CADC gave permission for a trial in 1892. A falta de registro histrico deste dispositivo explica, em parte, a complexa luta por hegemonia cientfica entre instituies e pesquisadores espanhis, cubanos e norte-americanos. The rigidity of the experiments design proved to be detrimental, as Garca was obliged to supervise all treatments personally. Use DeepL Translator to instantly translate texts and documents, into the process of collective bargaining with the Government, the private sector, the unions. Today, she will oversee the activities of a mobile health team travellin. community of 1 million plus games users world-wide. Finlay, Delgado, Santos Fernndez, Tamayo, Semprn, and Martnez, among others, attended the polar chamber trials in 1892 (Peuelas, 1895b, p.813). SAMSC doctor Eduardo Semprn joined the IHB, where he investigated anaerobic microbes of the soil and suggested a new treatment for yellow fever (Pla, 1890, p.12). Histoire de la fivre jaune. Rude or colloquial translations are usually marked in red or orange. The Cabinet became the IASM in 1888, with the physician Cesreo Fernndez de Losada as its director. There, a Histochemical Cabinet (Gabinete Histoqumico) existed since the 1840s for anatomopathological investigations. 1992. Madrid: CSIC .

Estrada and his colleague Manuel Pizarro visited Mexico in 1884 to study the work of Manuel Carmona (Peuelas, 1895a, p.810), while Roure and his Puerto Rico-based colleague Jos Fernndez lvarez were sent to Brazil in 1885. The following summer Garca carried out new trials at the same hospital, treating a total of 68 cases in both years, with only four deaths (Peuelas, 1895b, p.805). its unique taste from black soybeans grown by farmers between rice-growing seasons on the island of Java. O pan o plomo! Ahora entra en el saln y pregunta por Bill, Now go into the showroom and ask for Bill, Ha publicado bajo diferentes pseudnimos como, 2015 Cantabria (Internacional) Sra. [Garca] put a table on the patients bed, filled the drawers with ice and salt and closed with sheets the space between table and bed, leaving the patient within that rare device, cold, dark and damp, with melting water falling from all sides that made the dwelling look like a department in Dantes hell (Gonzlez, 1895, p.5). [Links], CORREO Correo de Cuba. These views confirm Stepans argument that yellow fever was of concern to the Spanish authorities in Cuba because of the obstacle it posed to white immigration (Stepan, 1978, p.400). The struggle for national science in Cuba. Dependientes formed a large collective of Spanish white semi-free workers of peninsular origin. Apuntes para la historia de la medicina alternativa en Cuba.

Finalmente, abordamos a poltica da cmara polar, analisando como esta inveno visava oferecer uma soluo especial para a complexa luta trplice pelo futuro poltico de Cuba. Bablots tent was not very effective for patients, but proved inspirational for Spanish army doctors. Contenir pour mieux slever: libraux et groupes subalternes Cuba la fin du XIXe sicle. [Links], PALMER, Steven. But it was also due to the Cuban climate, especially the heat, which favored microbial multiplication. Four years later, accompanied by his colleague Eugene Wasdin, he formed the third US yellow fever commission sent to Cuba by Sternberg to check the findings of the Italian bacteriologist Giuseppe Sanarelli. By contrast, we assume, with Bruno Latour (2011, p.69), that nature and politics are simultaneously constructed by scientific objects. 1896. p. 3. The cmara polar was a failed invention. [Links], LATOUR, Bruno. p.796-836. [Links], HARDEN, Victoria Angela. The myth of Jos Mart: conflicting nationalisms in early twentieth-century Cuba. [Links], HOJA ROURE. If the most abundant and innovative research on yellow fever was done in middle ground between the three national science projects, we argue that the most constructive and peaceful proposals for the Cuban question were located between those polarized national extremes too.

1986. Was this really possible? The Yellow Fever Laboratory was a spinoff of the Hygienic Laboratory set up in August 1887 at the Staten Island Marine Hospital, New York, under the direction of Dr. Joseph James Kinyoun (Harden, 1986, p.9-12). Epidemic invasions: yellow fever and the limits of Cuban independence, 1879-1930. Sanidad y Beneficencia, v.2, n.2, p.155.

Personal and professional recollections. Havanas military hospital provided the corpses and material that sustained the investigations not just of the SAMSC doctors, but of most Creole and American researchers (Sternberg, 1890, p.9; Pla, 1890, p.12). 1893. It seems that he was inspired by Nancy L. Stepans use of George Basallas three-stage model of the global spread of Western science for the case of the Oswaldo Cruz Institute in Brazil, a successful example of scientific excellence in the periphery (Stepan, 1978). In: Andrew Cunningham, Perry Williams (Ed.). Chicago: American Medical Association. 1895. New York: [s.n.]. 1983.

Health worker Cndida Chaves vaccinates children against tetanu. Revista de Sanidad Militar, v.10, n.221, p.391-400. Imaginar, organizar y controlar el territorio. v.1. This was no minor goal, because it sought to alter the natural evolution of the malady, something which sheer pharmacological treatments have not hitherto managed to do (p.800). Only the Juragu Iron Company carried out this plan thanks to the active involvement of its physician, Joaqun Castillo Duany, a Creole doctor born in Santiago and trained in the US, who went on to become a pro-independence leader during the last war of independence. Both actors failed to agree on the terms of their scientific co-sovereignty over Cuba, which lacked any international precedents, while they tried to reinforce their position against each other by making concessions to Creoles. When the Hygienic Laboratory moved to Washington in 1891, yellow fever research was recentralized there, though Geddins remained at Dry Tortugas until 1893. 1920. From that moment on, homeopathy was displaced by bacteriology, whose main figure in the SAMSC was Casimiro Roure. On the other hand, the chamber did not oblige salesmen to modify their working or living habits. In the shops and houses, salesmen were instead given big glasses of sweet almond oil, to which lemon juice was added and some jugs of tepid water to induce vomits. This less aggressive remedy had no other positive effect than preventing them from taking the above-mentioned treatments, but its popularity obliged not a few licensed doctors to adopt it to win over and keep their clientele of the commerce houses (p.117-118). Unlike Pruna, he explicitly tries to account for the failure of sovereign medical science in Cuba in contrast with other Latin American countries. the Social Partners or Partnership. El Correo Militar, Madrid, p.2. If this was achieved, the disease would either spontaneously resolve itself, or respond much better to any eventual treatment - sweet almond oil included! The unpolarized politics of the cmara polar. By the end of the 1850s, its staff comprised over a hundred medical officers (a third of the total in the army in peninsular and overseas Spain), plus several hundred nurses and auxiliaries. Historia de la Sanidad Militar Espaola. 1987. [Links], VARIEDADES Variedades. In that approach, which intends to give political explanations for the content of a scientific discipline or practice, both realities - politics and science - are regarded as essentially disconnected. [Links], PRUNA, Pedro M. National science in a colonial context: the Royal Academy of Sciences of Havana, 1861-1898. Las inoculaciones antirrbicas segn el mtodo de Pasteur. 1874.

However, when a French commission was invited by the Spanish government to visit Havana in 1884 to test the so-called phenic treatment devised by Gilbert Declat, Cuban doctors protested unanimously (Martnez-Antonio, 2013, p.480). He procured corpses of deceased yellow fever patients for Sternberg in Cuba and often sent him reliable pathological material to Baltimore (Sternberg, 1920, p.111). The polar chamber replaced the old homeopathic and acclimatization principles with the new findings of physiology and bacteriology, very much as Roure had done in his own research. [Links], CURACIN Curacin de la fiebre amarilla. To achieve this goal, we adopt a national approach, rather than a colonial one. Many prominent physicians accepted his invitation, including Finlay, his lifelong Spanish collaborator Claudio Delgado, the Creoles Juan Santos Fernndez - director of the Institute of Histobacteriology and Vaccination (Instituto Histobacteriolgico y de Vacunacin Antirrbica, IHB) - and Diego Tamayo - a Cuban bacteriologist who worked for some years at the IHB - and many others (Peuelas, 1895b, p.813). 2002. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press . But Latour claimed that the germ theory had also helped to integrate urban masses to enforce social regeneration in that country (p.96). Learn a new word every day. Miami: Ediciones Universal. Cultivating the colonies.

We do not ascribe its supporters or its scientific content to a particular political current. [Links], GORDON-THOMSON, John; ROSS, Ronald. 1992.

1893. In this respect, as in its scientific foundations, Garcas invention followed the path of Casimiro Roure. Among the 123 patients treated in Santiago de Cuba and Havana, there were 49 salesmen, forty miners, 11 soldiers, and two factory workers for 80% of the total (Peuelas, 1895a, p.804-824). Its leaders were Creole doctors in exile or outside the islands main research institutions, and therefore centripetal. In: Proceedings of the First Pan-American Medical Congress. But Burgess got involved in the systematic investigations on the part of the United States government for the prevention of the entrance of yellow fever into this country (p.96). The reason behind this was the horror inspired by conventional treatments (i.e., bloodletting, emetics or both) forced upon them in charity hospitals or private practices. Madrid: Establecimiento Tipogrfico de Ricardo F. [Links], LOS PARTIDOS Los partidos de Cuba. The cmara polar makes this clearer. Salesmen (dependientes del comercio) were the largest group - they would be even larger if we had found statistics of the trial done at the CADC mutual aid society in Havana. p.457-493. [Links], DELAPORTE, Franois. [Links], Received: Warm climates and Western medicine. There were at least two attempts to overcome this situation. Los das histricos de Galicia. Explaining epidemics and other studies in the history of medicine. In contrast, almost no study has been devoted to Spanish-led research and sanitary initiatives, even though the island remained under Hispanic rule in that period. 1998. Five years later, Lorenzo Bablot, a French-Cuban doctor trained at the Homeopathic Medicine College of the University of Pennsylvania in 1857 performed his rational curative treatment at Havanas Quinta San Leopoldo (Pruna, 2002, p.100). 1895a. In: Arnold, David (Ed.). p. 54. Please report examples to be edited or not to be displayed. 1868. 5 Sep. 1878. Los fundamentos de la Cmara Polar. [Links], PALMER, Steven. Mejorar los niveles de nutricin de los nios con, de este proyecto, que ha estado acompaado. p.181-207. More recently, Steven Palmer has followed a similar theoretical standpoint in his groundbreaking work about the Institute of Histobacteriology (IHB) (Palmer, 2011). 1978. It is also questionable to affirm that nothing was further away from Creole researchers than Roures trajectory (Delgado, 1998), for this doctor graduated from Havana University, spent his whole career in Cuba, was admitted to the SEC and the RACMFN, and maintained close relations with Finlay and Fermn Valds-Domnguez. October 01, 2017; Accepted: [Links], STERNBERG, Martha L. George M. Sternberg: a biography. You must there are over 200,000 words in our free online dictionary, but you are looking for one thats only in the Merriam-Webster Unabridged Dictionary. [Links], CASTILLO DUANY, Joaqun. 1865. Revista Cubana de Salud Pblica, v.33, n.4. If Cuba was not the right island for the polar chamber, it was not a polarized society either, no matter how much the entangled, intermediate nature of most research and political proposals has been obscured by nationalist historiographies. An SAMSC commission headed by the Creole doctor Nicols Jos Gutirrez - director of Havanas military hospital and later the first president of the Royal Academy of Medical, Physical, and Natural Sciences (Real Academia de Ciencias Mdicas, Fsicas y Naturales, RACMFN) - concluded that the vaccine was ineffective, so inspector Fernando Bastarreche stopped the trial (Pruna, 2002, p.100). 'Dunderhead' and Other Nicer Ways to Say Stupid, 'Pride': The Word That Went From Vice to Strength. After joining the Spanish Army Medical Service (SAMS), he was sent to Cuba during the final stages of the Ten Years War (1868-1878), but, as soon as the conflict was over, left the army and settled in Santiago de Cuba, the capital of Oriente province (Peuelas, 1895b, p.798).